They call this a return for something, a reimbursement, and not a salary 114. Thus, while working for community organisations plays a role in generating income for women, including women with higher education, the wage is often low — regularly far below minimum wage if hired as ‘volunteers’. Paid contracts may be available only for a short tenure. As one young woman summarized: Of course — you know the international organisations — you do not get a job as a full-time employee; if there is a project, they will ask for people for the project. The project can be six months or a year; it has a specific duration115. In sum, (in)formal trade, small business and services within Jerash camp itself are an essential part of life in the camp, both as a primary and supplementary source of income. Yet the high levels of poverty and limited integration with the outside economy leave businesses primarily relying on customers of the same poor and relatively small community. Hence the scarce money available largely circulates within the camp. Therefore, whilst ex-Gazans in Jerash more often rely on in-camp work than camp residents elsewhere, the majority of the labour force still look for opportunities beyond the camp to generate or supplement household incomes. Work outside the camp Although the limited potential of the Jerash camp economy pushes workers further afield in search of jobs, there are challenges that accompany this, and which explain why fewer of Jerash’s workers manage to find satisfactory work outside their camp compared to others. Ex-Gazans residing in Hitteen camp all emphasised their proximity to the industrial areas of Zarqa and Amman (sectors in which ex-Gazans can generally work), and the readily available transport from the main road that passes close to the camp. This is in stark contrast to Jerash camp, where the absence of industrial areas and poor transport was cited repeatedly as a barrier to working outside the camp116. One man from Hitteen summarized the differing situation in Hitteen and Jerash camps: [Here in Hitteen], the proximity to Amman, a central trade station, plays a big role. [...] Here we have Sahab industrial zone; it’s half an hour away. We have Marka and its factories, Zarqa as well. [...] There are a lot of opportunities. Also there are a lot of restaurants in Amman. I know many guys who have a job in the morning, and in the evening come and work with us in the restaurant [in Amman]. [...] But in terms of proximity [for those living in Jerash], leaving Jerash [camp] to reach me in Amman at 4 pm, they would need to leave at 2 pm; they would finish in Amman at 12 or 1 am; they would arrive [back in Jerash] at 3 or 4 am. In terms of transport cost, they would spend 5 or 6 JD. If they don’t want to take public transport at night, they will have to take private transport. It will cost a lot. High cost, exhaustion, and in the end, what's the kind of work and what are they paying them?117 Female, age 30, Jerash camp, 17 January 2016. Female, age 30, Jerash camp, 17 January 2016. 116 Consequently, ex-Gazans in Jerash are less often employed in ‘private company/business’ than their counterparts in Hitteen (85% of ex-Gazans in Jerash compared to 90% in Hitteen), and, as seen in chapter 6, much less likely than all other ex-Gazans living in camps to work in manufacturing (21% versus 11% in Jerash camp). 117 Male, age 23, Hitteen camp, 14 February 2016. 114 115 Fafo Report 2019:34 94