business (2.3%) and less often than their counterparts in other camps (6.0% for ex-Gazans in other camps, 5.2% for others). Indeed, as detailed above, the slim 0.7% of ex-Gazans in Jerash who define themselves as ‘employers’ probably reflects the very small nature of these businesses and their limited ability to contribute to the local economy through providing employment. There are, of course, exceptions: one man we interviewed used savings from work abroad to invest 50,000 JD in an electronics shop in the camp 105. With monthly running costs of 600 JD, including the salary of his three workers, he reported a monthly profit around 1,000 to 1,200 JD. Another former Jerash camp resident first worked in his grandfather’s business but later managed to build his own business close to the camp. He is now a grocery supplier for the area, having ‘bought the land of the shop [and warehouse] for 11,000 JD through a loan [...] in 2008, during the period when the value of products was rising’ 106. He employs 18 to 20 people: ‘all are from the camp; some are drivers, some are deliverymen, accountants and a salesman (mandoob)’ He pays his drivers 300 JD per month plus overtime; delivery men 250 JD plus overtime, and his two accountants 370 JD and 750 JD respectively, in addition to providing social security for all employees. Although ex-Gazans are generally not permitted to own property and businesses outside of the camps, he has registered his business under the ‘Arab investor’ provisions which grants ownership and other rights to non-Jordanian Arabs investing a minimum of 50,000 JD 107. Informal, ad hoc, trade Besides formal shops and businesses, small-scale, ad hoc intra-community services and trade, as and when the opportunity arises, is a prevalent feature of camp life. Such activities typically include buying tissues, nappies, detergents, shampoos, and other goods at factory outlets, including goods with faults, and selling them off the back of pick-ups or in homes through word-of mouth 108. All such activities may not have been captured by the survey as ‘employment’, particularly if they are irregular in nature. Petty trade, in various domains, was used by many interviewees, particularly women, in combination with other sources of income, to make ends meet with a meagre household income. Take, for example, a large family initially interviewed for their agricultural work: They were recipients of UNRWA’s quarterly poverty support and occasional Zakat donations. On one occasion, in urgent need of money, they had sold one room at the back of their shelter (leaving them two rooms, in addition to a small kitchen and bathroom). The elderly mother also occasionally sold leaves ‘brought from the valley [… and] used for cooking’109. One of her daughters works seasonally picking olives, and another daughter sews dresses and handbags for camp residents from fabrics people donate, selling them for 2.5 JD or 5 JD, depending on the size. When asked who buys the handbags, we were told ‘random people’ who like them and place an order. She supplements the handbag sales with hairdressing and make-up for camp residents upon request. Relying heavily on contacts for such work, she charges 2.5 JD for each person, lamenting that ‘[i]f I had money, I would set up my own shop [beauty salon]. But I don’t have money’. When asked how much money was needed, the mother replied ‘maybe 200 JD 110. This, we were told, was impossible to save as any savings the family makes go towards essential household Male, age 40s, Manshiyyeh, 31 January 2016. Male, age 34, Manshiyyeh, 10 February 2016. 107 Usually such businesses should also provide jobs to a minimum of ten Jordanians. 108 Female, age 29, and female, age 30, Jerash camp, 17 January 2016. 109 Female, age 70, Jerash camp, 31 January 2016. 110 Female, age 70, Jerash camp, 31 January 2016. 105 106 Fafo Report 2019:34 92