camps, although ex-Gazans in other camps are particularly under-served when it comes to transfer income. Chapter 4 turns to housing. Overall, the chapter demonstrates that ex-Gazans outside of Jerash tend to have similar standards of housing to the other Palestinian refugees they live alongside; however, in line with the higher poverty rates and large households in Jerash camp, housing conditions here are also significantly worse. The average dwelling in Jerash is not markedly different in size to dwellings in other camps but the much larger households result in more crowding. In many camps, residents have been able to expand their dwelling into apartment buildings. However, a larger proportion of residents in Jerash still live in the basic, often single-storey, dar [house] rather than newer (apartment) buildings, and three quarters of dwellings have roofs constructed fully or partially from temporary materials, suggesting poorer quality housing structures and lack of finances to expand dwellings. Education is strongly and positively correlated with higher household income across all camp refugees (Tiltnes and Zhang, 2013, 2014). Chapter 5 provides analysis of educational attainment and current enrolment across age cohorts, as well as literacy rates and reasons for non-enrolment. Educational attainment varies greatly between camps but has increased steadily overall since 1999, with younger cohorts outperforming older generations and young women generally outperforming young men (Tiltnes and Zhang, 2013, pp. 126–132). Ex-Gazans residing in camps are no exception, although their attainment is slightly lower than the camp average for non-ex-Gazans. When it comes to enrolment, ex-Gazans in Jerash are more often enrolled in education than ex-Gazans in other camps, and — paradoxically, given the poverty in Jerash camp and barriers to accessing higher education for ex-Gazans — they outperform both ex-Gazans and other refugees elsewhere in terms of holding academic post-secondary degrees. The relatively high educational attainment in Jerash camp, however, does not appear to translate into graduation from poverty. Thus chapter 6 turns to employment and labour force participation. Amongst the male labour force, our analysis finds that exGazans in Jerash have somewhat lower labour force participation, with a greater reliance on temporary and irregular work, whilst ex-Gazans residing elsewhere stand out with particularly high labour force participation, by far the greatest of all refugee groups, suggesting that this is a compensating strategy for otherwise lesser opportunities. Unemployment in Jerash camp is higher than the camp average but the dismal socioeconomic conditions are first and foremost due, we find, to the type of employment Jerash residents engage in. Part 3 therefore turns to focus on Jerash camp. Drawing on labour force data shared by the Department of Statistics and interviews with more than 100 persons, we study the intersection of rights restrictions and local labour market access by looking at livelihoods within the camp: what type of work do people do? How do people manage? We begin in chapter 7 by briefly situating the Jerash camp within the labour market in Jerash governorate, before describing — in chapter 8 — the main types of work and livelihood activities residents engage in, both inside and outside of Jerash camp. Finding that the limited possibilities that exist in the local labour market severely impact the conditions of ex-Gazans in Jerash camp, we briefly turn in chapter 9 to the barriers — practical and status-related — that prevent most residents from moving elsewhere: cost, ownership restrictions, and the importance of social networks. Given the difficult circumstances and conditions of ex-Gazans in Jerash camp, chapter 10 turns to how residents manage their situation, including strategies they employ to cope and to better their conditions. Chapter 11 offers a brief summary and conclusion to ‘Just getting by’ Ex-Gazans in Jerash and other refugee camps in Jordan 13