Private sector employment and labour migration Since educated ex-Gazans are ineligible for most jobs in the Jordanian public sector, postsecondary degrees open three main avenues for securing better-paid employment: UNRWA; the private sector and, finally, labour migration to the Gulf. As one interviewee noted: ‘[with higher education] you can work with UNRWA as a teacher or in administrative jobs, which are good opportunities’ 210. This is perhaps particularly important for women, who face fewer culturally acceptable workplaces and who accordingly study subjects that prepare them to be teachers either in UNRWA schools or private schools. The following interchange is typical of numerous interviews conducted in Jerash camp: Interviewer: Parents want their children to become teachers? Interviewee: Yes, like teaching math, or becoming class teachers, childcare... Interviewer: Why? Interviewee: So as to work for the Agency [UNRWA]. Interviewer: Because it has a lot of job opportunities? Interviewee: Yes. Interviewer: Why do they prefer the agency? Interviewee: Because it is a bit more secure than other places211. Therefore, parents — and youth — noted that many parents place great emphasis on studies: They [UNRWA] always look for the exceptional students, there are higher opportunities for graduates with good grades. […] This is why we keep telling our children to study and study and study 212. If employment cannot be found in UNRWA or the private sector in Jordan, or if transport costs reduce returns to such employment, making it not worthwhile, higher education also enables potential graduates to travel and work abroad, especially in the Gulf countries. As one young man noted: There are no opportunities for you to open your own business, for example, for financial reasons, so it is one of the following for the ex-Gazan: you are either educated and you find employment abroad [...] or you are a [manual] labourer 213. Out-migrating to the Gulf countries has been a popular strategy amongst Jordanian skilled workers since the 1950s, accelerating with the 1970s’ oil boom, and Palestinian camp refugees are no exception (Khawaja and Tiltnes, 2002; De Bel-Air, 2010) 214. ExGazans are not different from other Palestinian refugees in this regard. Middle-aged or elderly interviewees noted how readily-available work and an easy visa regime had Focus group with men, Jerash camp, 21 October 2015. Male, age 29, Manshiyyeh, 26 January 2016. 212 Female, age 49, Jerash camp, 27 January 2016. 213 Male, age 22, Jerash camp, 17 January 2016. 214 In 1999, about 6% of all Palestinian refugee camp adults had ever worked abroad and 3% had been forced to leave a Gulf country (mainly Kuwait) following the first Gulf war (Khawaja and Tiltnes, 2002)—a reaction to late King Hussein’s perceived support to Iraq’s leader Saddam Hussein. 210 211 ‘Just getting by’ Ex-Gazans in Jerash and other refugee camps in Jordan 117