Bhattacharjee 10.3389/fpos.2024.1144493 the social and political processes of forced migration and identity politics that generate protracted displacement” is needed for studying the Rohingya crisis (Farzana, 2017: 3). The first displacement of Rohingya refugees started in 1978, and 200,000 escaped to Bangladesh. Subsequently, improved identity policies from the Myanmar government, the situation of forced migration happened and targeted those persons who were previously refugees. Myanmar’s government denied their participation in the 1978 displacements, and the authority claimed that they were not accountable for people who crossed the boundary to Bangladesh (Farzana, 2017: 50). Boycotting the goods and trades of Rohingyas is an additional vital phenomenon. “Several campaigns continue to call for a boycott of Muslim businesses, including the foreign telecom giant Ooredoo; In any public lecture events, disrupt Muslim or Muslim-sympathetic speakers; threaten boycott against the 2014 census” (Zin, 2015). Moreover, the Myanmar government is considering the Rohingyas as an extreme economic load for the country due to their competition for the limited existing business, jobs, and opportunities (Wolf, 2015). The constitution of Myanmar safeguards the rights and independence of all Burmese citizens, but Rohingyas are excluded from these constitutional rights since they are not Burmese citizens. Hence, Rohingyas achieved a small number of political and civil rights, and they were permitted to vote in the 1990 election (Farzana, 2017: 52–53). Rohingyas were given white cards (provisional identity cards), which permitted them to vote in the general election of 2008 (Albert and Maizland, 2020). The constitution of Myanmar stated that the Union (i.e., Myanmar) “shall guarantee any person to enjoy equal rights before the law and shall equally provide legal protection” (Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar 2008, September 2008: Paragraph 347). Consequently, Rohingyas failed to enjoy equal rights before the law like the Burmese citizens, and the provisional identity cards were automatically canceled in 2015 by rejecting their right to vote. The Myanmar government ignored the Rohingya community’s civil rights in other situations. Rakhine state is one of the poorest states in Myanmar, where 78 percent of the inhabitants are living beneath poverty brink. The massive mistrust between the Muslim Rohingya and Buddhists in the Rakhine region was generated due to the mixture of poverty, deficiency of proper infrastructure, limited work opportunities, etc. (Albert and Maizland, 2020). Though the entire state suffers from the cited hindrances, the stigmatized Rohingyas are leading the most vulnerable lives. The reports of the Human Rights Watch show that from 25th August 2017, ferocity, rape, and violence have been used against the Rohingya men, women, and children within the Rakhine state by the militarydominated Myanmar government (Human Rights Watch, 2017). Since the outburst of violence in 2012, the oppression of the Rohingyas by local and national governments has forcefully exiled thousands of Rohingya people. Strains touched a dangerous level in 2012 after ages of discrimination. Hundreds of Rohingya expired, and a large number of people became homeless due to violent conflicts. Several Rohingyas were imprisoned in inner displacement camps. The violent conflicts between Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingyas displaced nearly 10,000 Rohingya people in June 2012 (BBC News, 2012). During the time of violence, the United Nations guessed that approximately 100,000 Rohingyas escaped from Myanmar via sea route with life threats. Thus, the ignored and tortured Rohingya people left Myanmar only for securing their life. Aljazeera reported that around 110,000 Rohingya people left Myanmar through fragile boats to neighboring states like Malaysia, the Philippines, and decisions, for example, marriage and having children, and the processes used by Myanmar military-dominated government in doing so. The central research question of this paper is why and how the Rohingyas are stateless. Therefore, this paper investigates the nature, extent, and incidence of exclusion among the Rohingya community through secondary data analyses and explains how multidimensional exclusion makes them stateless and pushes them into vulnerable conditions. The researcher developed an analytical framework to answer the research questions. Finally, in this paper, the researcher attempt to explain the processes of statelessness by using a pragmatic theoretical framework to interpret these dynamics and processes. This article is divided into eight sections. The first section deals with the study objective and research question. The second section discusses the historical background of the Rohingya statelessness. The third section contextualizes statelessness from relevant theoretical perspectives. The fourth section clarifies the research methodology. The fifth section develops an analytical framework. The sixth section details the findings. The seventh section consists of a discussion, and the final section draws conclusions. Rohingya statelessness: historical background There is a lot of academic research regarding the crisis of the Rohingya community. The researcher initially reviewed significant literature about Rohingya and their statelessness for writing this paper (Ullah, 2016; Amnesty International, 2017; Beyrer and Kamarulzaman, 2017; Milton et al., 2017; Lewis, 2019; Albert and Maizland, 2020; Hossain et al., 2022). Many scholars mentioned ethnicity and identity crisis as the prime causes of the exclusion and vulnerability of the Rohingya community (Ullah, 2016; Cheesman, 2017; Farzana, 2017: 21). Moreover, several former pieces of research established the situation of Rohingyas as a humanitarian crisis (Ullah, 2011; Kingston, 2015; Kaveri, 2017). Categorizing by the administration, the population of Myanmar consists of 135 different ethnic groups. Rohingya is one of the marginal groups that are not accepted as an ethnic group in Myanmar. They mainly live in Arakan or Rakhine state, situated on the western side of the nation. The usage of the term “Rohingya” was opposed by the Myanmar government, besides the dominant ethnic Buddhist group in the Rakhine state, as it was familiarized as a way of personal identification by the people of the Rohingya community (Albert and Maizland, 2020). Ahsan Ullah argues “that Rohingyas in Myanmar have been intentionally excluded by its government.” He basically concentrated on the role of politicized ethnicity. In his writing, he also focused on the importance of politicized ethnicity for creating national unity. Furthermore, in Myanmar, Political Buddhism, which is the combination of Buddhist religious faith and nationalism, is used to oppress the Rohingya Muslim minority people (Ullah, 2016). Farzana explores the underlying causes of the displacement of the Rohingya community of Myanmar in her book Memories of Burmese Rohingya Refugees. She marks the processes by which Rohingya identity has been politicized, and subsequently, it has brought the consequences that affected the Rohingya community. She claims that minority clusters replace with “identity-less parasites” by state policies, but the victimized minority can preserve their identity through memories and culture. The Rohingya community is an example of this identity-less parasite. Furthermore, she argues that “more attention to Frontiers in Political Science 03 frontiersin.org