56 | Report on the Situation of Human Rights in the Dominican Republic 101. The massacre led to a major decline in the number of Haitian migrants, as reflected in the 1938 census which listed 18,500 Haitians living in the country. The scarcity of Haitian labor on the sugar cane plantations that the massacre caused meant that starting in 1952, under the Trujillo dictatorship, there would be a push for binational agreements between the Dominican Republic and Haiti for mass recruitment of Haitian farm workers for the Dominican sugar industry. These agreements were signed in 1952, 101 1959 102 and 1966 103 and again triggered an increase in the Haitian population in the bateyes. Under these agreements, a worker was encouraged to immigrate with his wife and any of his children who were under the age of 10. 102. Many of the families that migrated under these agreements remained in the country permanently and had children born in Dominican territory. In the case of the young farm workers, their youth, unmarried status and limited employment opportunities in Haiti were decisive factors in their decision to remain and establish families in the Dominican Republic. The sugar cane industries benefited from a permanent Haitian workforce as it ensured that they would have workers for certain fieldwork that needed to be done at the end of a harvest and for the harvests that followed. 104 103. As a result of the shortage of Haitian workers in the sugar industry, many of the Haitians in an irregular migratory situation who were stopped by Dominican military were sent directly to the sugar cane plantations and were forced to live in the bateyes, which were the only places they were allowed to be and where they were safe from deportation for the duration of the harvest. 105 104. Many of these migrant workers were brought to the Dominican Republic legally, under agreements that the State Sugar Council (CEA)106 and the Dominican State concluded with Haiti between 1972 and 1986. 107 Other migrant workers entered 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 Dominican Republic, put the figure at 17,000. See, inter alia, MOYA PONS, Frank, Historia de la República Dominicana, Volume 2. Editorial CSIC, January 1, 2010, pp. 453 et seq.; WOODING, Bridget and MOSELEYWILLIAMS, Richard, Inmigrantes Haitianos y Dominicanos de Ascendencia Haitiana en la Dominican Republic. Jesuit Refugee and Migrant Service. Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, 2004, pp. 19-22. Dominican Republic, National Congress, Resolution No. 3200 approving the agreement signed by the Dominican Republic and the Republic of Haiti on the subject of Haitian Temporary Laborers, Official Gazette No. 7391 of February 23, 1952. Dominican Republic, National Congress, Resolution No. 5279 approving the agreement signed on hiring of temporary Haitian laborers in Haiti and their entrance into the Dominican Republic and its additional instrument, Official Gazette No. 8435 of December 29, 1959. Dominican Republic, National Congress, Resolution No. 83 approving the agreement signed on hiring of temporary Haitian laborers in Haiti, Official Gazette No. 9018 of December 31, 1966. OBMICA (Natalia Riveros), p. 25. OBMICA (Natalia Riveros), p. 25. The Sugar Corporation of the Dominican Republic was dissolved by Law No. 7 of 1966 and the State Sugar Council was created, in charge of directing, coordinating, auditing, and inspecting all sugar mills in the Dominican Republic. The one-year and two-year contracts that the CEA and the Haitian government entered into were not submitted to the Dominican Congress for approval. See ILO, Report of the Commission of Inquiry appointed under article 26 of the Constitution of the International Labour Organisation to examine the observance of certain international labor Conventions by the Dominican Republic and Haiti with respect to the employment of Organization of American States | OAS