58 Introducing ‘unwanted’ noncitizens our crime consisted of aiding, transporting and harbouring persons without valid travel documents. That’s the lift and the coffee. […] I was not aware of the law, and the idea of asking the family for valid travel documents never entered my mind. I have never asked anybody for valid travel documents when offering them a lift. [She and her husband received a 45 Danish Kroner fine, which was paid by public donations.] I never knew that decency, generosity, charity – whatever you choose to call it – was reserved for people with valid travel documents. (Lisbeth Zornig Andersen, describing her experience in Granta, 7 December 201668) An additional dimension of the construction of some noncitizens as ‘unwanted’, expelled by a State built upon liberal democratic principles is the implication that this has for the free-association of citizens, and their decisions about how to live their lives. In the Danish example above, the construction of individuals out of a recognised relationship with the Danish State was challenged by the relationship (albeit brief ) that was developed between Lisbeth Zornig Andersen, who related with Denmark as a citizen, and the six individuals to whom she gave a lift. Andersen and her husband were punished for an activity that was made criminal by the way in which the individual-State relationships were constructed and the nonrecognition of noncitizenship. This impacted upon both the autonomy of all the individuals involved and their capabilities to act in a way that they consider to be moral. As such, limits placed upon, and vulnerabilities of, ‘unwanted’ noncitizens also constrain citizenship. Beyond the extreme example given here, controls on who is able to enter through regular channels, who can enter labour markets and access social and other communities, limits citizens in who they can marry, befriend, work for, buy from, employ, or, indeed, give a lift to. In turn, this risks activating noncitizen relationships in the formal citizens who are affected. Citizens then also participate in the disobedience and politicisation associated with noncitizenship. Perhaps the most famous example of State checks on private citizen support of irregular immigrants is the tellingly named French ‘delit de solidarité’ (crime of solidarity), whereby helping an irregular immigrant (including providing shelter) has been prohibited in France, with a potential prison sentence and fine.69 Yet though the French example is particularly well known, as the testimony of Zornig Andersen demonstrates, cases can increasingly be found across States ostensibly built 68 Lisbeth Zornig Andersen (2016) ‘When Denmark Criminalised Kindness’, Granta, 7 December 2016. 69 See www.gisti.org/spip.php?article1791 (accessed 27 January 2011).