Theoretical error, real-world problems
31
Acknowledging a problematic past
The images of being political bequeathed to us came from the victors: those
who were able to constitute themselves as a group, confer rights on and
impose obligations on each other, institute rituals of belonging and rites of
passage, and, above all, differentiate themselves from others, constructing
an identity and an alterity simultaneously.
(Engin Isin, writing in Being Political in 200216)
Tracing how the difficulties referred to here have arisen can help us to develop
ways in which to address them. The sixteenth to nineteenth centuries in Europe
werecharacterisedbymajorpoliticalchanges.Therewasablossomingofhuman
rights and a recognition of obligations of States towards ordinary people. This
includedthedevelopmentofthenotionof‘citizenship’ratherthan‘subjecthood’.
Countries like Britain, the Netherlands and France, within which several modern
liberalswerewriting,werealsobenefitingfromthenewwealthandnewopportun
ities in the so-called ‘New Worlds’. In burgeoning European colonies overseas,
other new ways of categorising people, using racial stratifications, for example,
werebeingusedtojustifylandseizure,violence,indentureandenslavementofper
sons.17 The role of race and of domination in this construction of modern citizen
ship and liberal theory more generally must be part of understanding its limitations
today.Itmaybethatliberalismcannotbereconfiguredwithouttheseinconsisten
cies. If this is the case, Cole was right to suggest that it might be obsolete. But if
liberalism is to stand a chance, it will need to address these problems head-on and
examine the blind spots to which they have given rise.
This contextualisation is important to understanding the birth of modern
liberal thought and the limitations this put upon the vision of its authors. It shows
thatinfact��egalitarianpoliticaltheoryhasoftenendedupjustifyingexplicitly
inegalitarian institutions and practices’.18 As settlers in English colonies, for
example, railed against slavery to the Crown using the language of freedom and
equality of Enlightenment liberalism, large populations were enslaved under
them, constructed out of consideration within the same liberal calculus.19 John
Locke describes how ‘Native’ peoples, as they did not ‘improve’ the land
16 Engin Isin (2002) Being Political,UniversityofMinnesotaPress,p.2.
17 For example, see Catherine Hall (2002) Civilising Subjects: Metropole and Colony in the English
Imagination 1830–1867, Polity; several essays in Catherine Hall (ed.) (2000) Cultures of Empire:
Colonizers in Britain and the Empire in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries: A Reader,
ManchesterUniversityPress.
18 Duncan Ivison, Paul Patton and Will Sanders (2000) ‘Introduction’, pp. 1–22 in Duncan Ivison,
Paul Patton and Will Sanders (eds) (2000) Political Theory and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples,
Cambridge University Press, at p. 2.
19 SamuelJohnson,creatorofthefirstEnglishdictionary,demanded:‘Howisitthatwehearthe
loudestyelpsforlibertyfromthedriversofnegroes?’.Thiscomesfromhis1775paper‘Taxation
No Tyranny: An Answer to the Resolutions and Address of the American Congress’, www.
samueljohnson.com/tnt.html(accessed4April2017).