A central element of this process must be the identification and holding to account of those Israeli individuals who have been, and continue to be, responsible for the perpetration of widespread human rights abuses, including those constituting war crimes, crimes against humanity, and the crime of genocide against the Palestinian people. Accountability for human rights abuses, in combination with an end to the unlawful occupation, all based on the application of international law, is the foremost means by which political, economic, and social security can be attained. In addition to implementation of universal jurisdiction statutes, the enforcement of the International Criminal Court’s arrest warrants for Israeli leaders must be prioritised. The implementation of an immediate, comprehensive, and effective two-way arms embargo against Israel must be undertaken as an immediate requirement for the Conference to serve a function of achieving any solution that results in Palestinian self-determination. In terms of the Conference’s attention to economics and humanitarian aid, we emphasise that the ICJ advisory opinion affirmed that ‘[t]he dependence of the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and especially of the Gaza Strip, on Israel for the provision of basic goods and services impairs the enjoyment of fundamental human rights, in particular the right to self-determination’. A people cannot freely determine its future if its material basis, water, fertile land, and biodiversity, has been destroyed or expropriated by the occupying power, nor where its people are denied their individual and collective human rights, including the ability to travel freely and exercise their right to movement. Israel’s denial of aid and essential services to Palestinians not only exacerbates humanitarian suffering but also entrenches conditions of subjugation that violate the principle of On the Proposal for a July 2025 UN conference on a two-State solution for Israel and Palestine self-determination under international law, in acts intended to destroy the Palestinian group. By impeding humanitarian actors, including UN agencies such as UNRWA from fulfilling their mandate, Israel has manufactured a situation where Palestinians are entirely dependent on a racist occupying power for their subsistence, a situation which facilitates Israel’s capacity to escalate, expand, and intensify its starvation and isolation campaigns against Palestinians at its whim. It is imperative therefore that the Conference recognise that in all dealings with occupied Palestine, existing regulatory frameworks, including those shaped by the Oslo Accords, including the Paris Economic Protocol and Israeli Military Orders, must be interpreted, applied, and enforced, in such a manner that is fully compatible with, and does not detract from, international humanitarian law and the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people under international law. As was noted by the UN Secretary-General, in its written submission to the ICJ in the pending UNRWA advisory opinion proceedings: ‘As far as the relevance of the 1993 and 1995 Oslo Accords signed by Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization is concerned, the Court, in its Advisory Opinion of 19 July 2024, stated that “the Oslo Accords cannot be understood to detract from Israel’s obligations under the pertinent rules of international law applicable in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. The duty to ensure unimpeded humanitarian access can also be seen in Security Council Resolutions and the jurisprudence of the ICJ, including in the ICJ’s Provisional Measures Orders in the South Africa v Israel proceedings. UN Security Council Resolution 2720 specifically obliges all parties to the conflict, including Israel, to protect civilians and enable humanitarian assistance to the Palestinians in Gaza. The resolution further ‘demands that 6