Mapping Minorities’ Vulnerability to Hate Speech
‘maggots’, and ‘rapists’, revealing that the social media giant continued to struggle
with content moderation, heavily relying on its users who report posts including
hate speech, mainly because its automated systems struggle to interpret Burmese
texts. 82 One year later in its subsequently adopted Detailed Findings of the
Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, the Mission
acknowledged that Facebook banned dangerous organisations (the Arakan Army,
the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, Kachin Independence Army
and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army) from the platform, as well as all related
praise and support. 83 Indeed, this constituted a milestone in addressing the
escalation of violence against the Rohingyas fuelled by hate speech online.
VI
HATE SPEECH AGAINST MINORITIES IN THE STATE OF ASSAM, INDIA:
LESSONS IGNORED
A regional parallel may be drawn between the mass disenfranchisement of the
Rohingya people in Myanmar and another unfolding statelessness crisis in the
State of Assam, India. This situation has developed since August 2019, when the
Indian government published its final list of citizens in the north-eastern Indian
State of Assam — stripping nearly 2 million people of Muslim origin of their
Indian citizenship, an event noted by the UN Special Rapporteur on Minority
Issues in their recent report on minorities affected by statelessness. 84
On 31 August 2019 India published the final version of a list of citizens — the
National Register of Citizens (‘NRC’) — which was updated for the first time
since its creation in 1951 and stripped approximately 1.9 million people of their
Indian citizenship in the north-eastern Indian State of Assam. 85 The NRC was
created to determine who was born in Assam and is therefore Indian and who
might be a migrant from neighbouring Bangladesh, constituting a list of those who
can prove they came to the state by 24 March 1971, the day before neighbouring
Bangladesh declared independence from Pakistan. 86 The governing Bharatiya
Janata Party (‘BJP’) considered this act as a legal way of eliminating ‘infiltrators’
from the country — mainly illegal immigrants from bordering Bangladesh, many
believed to be from the Bengali-speaking minority. 87 It may be the case that the
Hindu-nationalist government wants to make Assam a ‘test case’ for Hindu
primacy in India by expelling ‘illegal’ Muslim migrants who they see as
‘infiltrators’, which was one of the electoral issues addressed prior to elections by
the government. Families living in the State of Assam have been required to
82
83
84
85
86
87
Hatebook (n 9).
Detailed Findings of the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, UN
Doc A/HRC/42/CRP.5 (16 September 2019) 86–87 [272]. See also ‘Banning More
Dangerous Organizations from Facebook in Myanmar’, Facebook (Web Page, 5 February
2019) <https://newsroom.fb.com/news/2019/02/dangerous-organizations-in-myanmar/>.
Minority Issues Report (n 30) 13 [86].
Christoph Sperfeldt and Amelia Walters, ‘A Crisis of Citizenship in India is Risking Mass
Statelessness’, Pursuit (online, 5 September 2019) <https://pursuit.unimelb.edu.au/articles/acrisis-of-citizenship-in-india-is-risking-mass-statelessness>.
More precisely, this deadline indicates the day before the beginning of the Bangladesh
Liberation War, when what was then East Pakistan declared independence from West
Pakistan. As a result of the war, an estimated 10 million refugees from the newly formed
People's Republic of Bangladesh fled to India whose descendants live there today. See Rajini
Vaidyanathan, ‘Assam NRC: What Next For 1.9 Million “Stateless” Indians?’, BBC (online,
31 August 2019) <https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-49520593>.
ibid.
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