ENDNOTES
Author’s Note: The author presented earlier versions of this article at the Government and
International Relations Colloquium Series at the University of Sydney, the Australia and
New Zealand Law and History Conference, the History Staff Seminar at the University of
New South Wales, and the Transformation of Citizenship Conference at the University of
Graz. The author would like to thank the participants in those seminars and the anonymous
reviewers for their insightful feedback and comments. The author would also like to thank
Ronit Lentin and Noam Peleg for reading earlier versions of the article, and Na’ama Carlin,
Hedi Viterbo, and Yair Wallach for their advice on translation. Special thanks to Liat Kozma,
Sherene Seikaly, and Yfaat Weiss. Any errors are mine.
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Neve Gordon, “Of Dowries and Brides: A Structural Analysis of Israel’s Occupation,” New
Political Science 29, no. 4 (2007), 453.
For more on the Military Government regime, see Shira Robinson, Citizen Strangers:
Palestinians and the Birth of Israel’s Liberal Settler State (Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Press, 2013). For more on Israel’s elaborate system of surveillance, see Hillel Cohen, Good
Arabs: The Israeli Security Agencies and the Israeli Arabs, 1948–1967 (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 2010).
Basic Law: Israel—the Nation-State of the Jewish People, Article 1(c).
“Benjamin Netanyahu says Israel is ‘not a state of all its citizens,’” The Guardian, 11 March
2019.
Raoul Wootliff, “Defending Nation-State Law, PM Says Israeli Arabs Have 22 Other
Countries,” The Times of Israel, 11 March 2019.
For more on how the space was indigenized as Jewish, see Meron Benvenisti, “The Hebrew
Map,” Theory and Criticism 11 (1997), 7–29 (in Hebrew); Ghazi Falah, “Israeli Judaization
Policy in Galilee and Its Impact on Local Arab Urbanisation,” Political Geography Quarterly
8, no. 3 (1989), 229–53; Julie Peteet, “Words as Interventions: Naming in the Palestine-Israel
Conflict,” Third World Quarterly 26, no. 1 (2005), 153–72; Oren Yiftachel, “‘Ethnocracy’:
The Politics of Judaizing Israel/Palestine,” Constellations 6, no. 3 (1999), 364–90.
For more on biospatial politics and the relations between race and space, see Yinon Cohen
and Neve Gordon, “Israel’s Biospatial Politics: Territory, Demography, and Effective Control,”
Public Culture 30, no. 2 (2018), 199–220.
Mae Ngai addresses how immigration regimes in the United States worked to create “new
legal and political subjects.” See Mae M. Ngai, Impossible Subjects: Illegal Aliens and the
Making of Modern America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2014), 4.
Scott L. Morgensen, “Theorising Gender, Sexuality and Settler Colonialism: An Introduction,”
Settler Colonial Studies 2, no. 2 (2012), 9.
For a conceptualization of the citizenship of Palestinians in terms of deprivation, see Gadi
Algazi, “From Gir Forest to Umm Hiran: Notes on Colonial Nature and Its Keepers,”
Theory & Critique 37 (2010), 233–53 (in Hebrew); Amal Jamal, “Nationalizing States and
the Constitution of ‘Hollow Citizenship’: Israel and Its Palestinian Citizens,” Ethnopolitics 6,
no. 4 (2007), 471–93; Nadim N. Rouhana and Nimer Sultany, “Redrawing the Boundaries
of Citizenship: Israel’s New Hegemony,” Journal of Palestine Studies 33, no. 1 (2003), 5–22;
Shourideh C. Molavi, Stateless Citizenship: The Palestinian-Arab Citizens of Israel (Leiden:
Brill, 2013); Shlomo Swirski, “Transparent Citizens: Israel Government Policy Toward the
Negev Bedouins,” HAGAR Studies in Culture, Polity and Identities 8, no. 2 (2008), 25–46.
Gurminder K. Bhambra, “Citizens and Others: The Constitution of Citizenship through
Exclusion,” Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 40, no. 2 (2015), 105.
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Electronic copy available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3533490