‘Migrants’, ‘Mobile Citizens’ and the Borders of Exclusion in the European… 167 violence and conflict and/or grant them full access to the national welfare state. While a preference for protecting the interests and rights of insiders can of course be defended on moral grounds, I suggest that the magnitude of the discrepancy between how EU member states treat each other’s ‘citizens compared to most migrants from outside the EU should give us pause for critical reflection. The disconnect between ‘mobile EU citizens’ and ‘migrants’ may also be politically problematic, in the sense that it potentially endangers (rather than protects, as is commonly argued) the future sustainability of the free movement of EU workers within the European Union as well as public support for immigration more generally. The inflow of ‘mobile EU citizens’ in a particular member state has very similar types of effects, and raises very similar economic issues and tensions, as the immigration of migrants from outside the EU. As it is the case with ‘migrants’, ‘mobile EU citizens’ affect the labour markets and welfare states of host countries in one way or another, creating costs and benefits for different groups. Insisting that ‘mobile citizens’ are not ‘migrants’ runs the danger of obscuring these impacts that mobile EU citizens have on the economies and societies of their host countries. This may, in turn, prevent important debates at European level about the consequences of free movement for EU citizens who do not move, and ultimately result in a decline in political support for the free movement of labour within the EU and perhaps also for immigration more generally. A third question concerns the potential inter-relationships between EU member states’ policies on immigration and mobility. How are our policies for the inclusion/exclusion of EU citizens related to our policies for the inclusion/exclusion of people from outside the EU? We know2 that past EU enlargements have in many member states led to more restrictive labour immigration policies for non EU-nationals, especially lower-skilled workers. This may be a perfectly justifiable response within the sphere of labour immigration. The picture gets more complicated and problematic, however, if we consider the potential relationships between the free movement and equal treatment of EU workers and the highly regulated admission and restricted rights of asylum seekers and refugees from outside Europe. How, if at all, do the current policies for the inclusion of mobile EU citizens affect our policies 2 Zelano, K. (ed.) (2012), Labour Migration: What’s in it for us? Experiences from Sweden, the UK and Poland. European Liberal Forum, available at http://fores.se/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/labour-pdf-web_1_.pdf.