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personal and political liberty depends as much on the freedom to stay as the
freedom to move. We cannot make our own life decisions and engage in free
political activity unless we are free to stay and to move as we wish.
It is easy to picture the free movement debate in terms of stereotypes: the
‘young Euro jetsetters’ vs. the ‘resentful go-nowhere locals’. It is also easy
to assume that freedom of movement is all about the movers and offers nothing to the stayers. But we need to think again. From a normative perspective,
there is no sharp contrast. When we move or when we stay we are engaged
in the same core activity: deciding how we spend our lives and with whom.
Whatever choices we make, and wherever our choices take us, we should all
be able to see how important it is that our choices are our own.
Having come this far, we can now discern something misleading in De
Witte and Bauböck’s terminology. The ‘immobile’ category is much too
broad. It lumps together people who, due to poverty and other social barriers, cannot move with people who simply choose not to. In the case of the
former, the correct response is to make free movement an effective rather
than merely formal freedom by tackling poverty and other social barriers to
movement. In the case of the latter, the correct response is to remind these
people that they are not, in fact, immobile. They have made a choice about
where they live and, thereby, exercised their freedom of movement. They
should now allow others to do likewise.
Of course, providing a philosophical argument for why everyone should
value freedom of movement is not the same as actually convincing them.
After Brexit, the latter task appears daunting. But the problem we face is, in
at least one sense, easier than the problem Mill faced in his day. Mill had to
convince people of the value of basic liberties. In our day, most people accept
the value of basic liberties; they just fail to realize their full implications.
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