86 P. Cayla and C. Seth itself is very restrictive: it only allows us to make suggestions which can lead the European Commission to propose legislative measures within the framework of existing treaties. There is no possibility therefore for us to encourage actions in the field of nationality, for instance, or with regard to the rights attributed to third-country nationals, as some contributors like Ángel Rodríguez seem to suggest. We feel strongly that such questions are outside our scope. In addition, it must be noted that the requirement of collecting a million signatures within a year is a very tough one and that the only chance of meeting it is for an ECI to have a simple, clear and ambitious object. Our contention is that there is a case to be made for Europeans to be granted a form of super-citizenship, in the tradition of the civis romanus who was a citizen of Rome without losing his own statehood. We believe that at a time when Europe is increasingly seen as a bureaucratic and costly system with no positive impact on everyday life, a form of European citizenship which would allow one to vote in all elections of one’s country of residence when within the EU, could only enhance our feelings towards the Union and serve to foster increased implication in its development. It would be a concrete way of recognising that we share a common culture and that our future lies in a common destiny. David Bellamy can reassure those who see mobile EU citizens as benefits tourists. On the whole, those who are interested in an initiative such as our ECI are quite the opposite: dedicated professionals, open to European cultures and languages, conscious of a shared heritage, desirous to contribute to a peaceful and prosperous future for the EU. What are our ECI’s fundamental objectives? There are three of them: 1) To give European citizenship its full meaning by making it grant access to all fundamental rights, including the right to vote, whatever one’s country of residence. It is a principle of equality for Europeans. Dimitry Kochenov makes a very useful point with his question: ‘Who is a foreigner?’ Surely an EU national within the EU, whether in his or her home state or elsewhere, is not a foreigner and must not be treated as such. Dora Kostakopoulou adds that it is unsustainable in a democracy to ask people to contribute fully but only to treat them as de facto second-class citizens. 2) To give mobility (i.e. the principle of free movement within Europe) its full scope. There is general agreement amongst the authors that the current situation entails a serious democratic deficit and that it is absurd that this should