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expression of state power. Member States, acting together in the Council,
have the right to decide when and under which conditions free movement is
possible, and to decide what the limits of EU citizenship ought to be. This
argument underestimates the level of institutional sophistication that is
required for a system to be able to ‘translate’ inter-personal relational claims
of justice and solidarity into a legitimate and enforceable system of rights and
obligations. As Richard Bellamy has highlighted as well, the institutional
presuppositions for this task cannot be found beyond the nation state. The EU
lacks thick representative, deliberative and participatory elements, it lacks the
support cast of integrated political parties, civil society, grassroots movements, transnational media that allow for inter-personal communication
about the question: ‘how do we want to live together in this social space?’
‘What do we owe each other by virtue of our shared participation in the EU?’.
The Union legislator cannot possibly get the answer to these questions ‘right’.
So we are left in an institutional situation where these incipient, partial, and
ill-defined bonds and relationships between Europeans, created by transnational economic, social, political and cultural links cannot be articulated by
either national legislatures or their European counterparts. Ill-equipped as the
Court may be to makes sense of these new relationships, it is the only institution that can make good on its premise: that it must mean ‘something’ to be a
Union citizen beyond what it means to be a national of a Member State.
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