DPCE online, 2020/4 – Saggi
ISSN: 2037-6677
Governing through uncertainty? Migration Law
and governance in a comparative perspective
16.9 target to enable the ‘right to have rights’ defined by Hanna Arendt nearly
seven decades ago.
2. Understanding statelessness in the context of forced migration.
The complexity of statelessness requires an interdisciplinary approach. Although
international law provides a definition of a ‘stateless person', there is no exhaustive
formal definition of statelessness per se, as there is arguably no universal
understanding of this phenomenon. Academic discussions highlight two major
terms – de jure (by law) statelessness and de facto (by fact) statelessness.
A de jure stateless person, as defined in the United Nations Convention
relating to the Status of Stateless Persons (hereinafter: 1954 Convention)
stipulates that ‘the term “stateless person” means a person who is not considered
as a national by any State under the operation of its law’. De facto statelessness is
a wider concept, with an ambiguous definition because of the absence of a clear
legal framework unifying its usage5. It may be described as an ‘ineffective
citizenship’ – in cases when a person possesses a nationality6 of a state, but is not
able to access protection of this state and resides outside of its borders. The
context of forced migration sets the stage for both notions; however the paper
focuses on de jure statelessness to avoid disproportionate conceptualization.
Paradoxically, just as in the case of nationality, statelessness can be both
inherited and acquired. And as the opposite side of citizenship, statelessness is
broadly perceived as a consequence, source or a catalyst of human rights
violations. Stateless persons are not only deprived of freedom of movement, they
usually cannot access healthcare or education, inherit or buy property, find official
employment or register a marriage.
The main causes of statelessness include issues with nationality laws (gaps
or discriminatory provisions7), geopolitical changes (shifting borders, state
successions), migration-related outcomes (conflicting principles of citizenship
acquisition8, issues arising from problems with birth registration) and deprivation
of citizenship (denationalisation).
5 J. Tucker, Questioning de facto Statelessness by Looking at de facto Citizenship, in 19 Tilburg
Law Review 1-2, 277 (2014).
6 Terminological differences between ‘citizenship’ and ‘nationality’ are widely discussed (cf. B.
Manby, Citizenship in Africa The Law of Belonging, Oxford, 2018; O. Vonk, Dual nationality in
the European Union : a study on changing norms in public and private international law and in the
municipal laws of four EU member states, Leiden, 2012). While acknowledging the complexity
of this deliberation, the subject matter discussed in the present paper does not allow for a
detailed examination, thus, both notions would be used interchangeably.
7 For example, gender-based discriminatory provisions in 25 counties that do not allow
women to transfer nationality to their children, see: UNHCR, Background note on Gender
Equality,
Nationality
Laws
and
Statelessness
2019,
2,
available
at
www.refworld.org/pdfid/5c8120847.pdf accessed on 7-7-2020.
8 Jus soli (‘right of the soil’) and jus sanguinis (‘right of blood’) are the principles of citizenship
acquisition in different jurisdictions. In cases when a child born in the country with jus
sanguinis principle from parents who are citizens (or non-citizens) of jus soli jurisdictions, a
risk of statelessness arises, as the citizenship is not granted automatically.
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