16 AUAD v. BULGARIA JUDGMENT Shelters are small and very close to each other. Some still have zinc sheet roofing. UNRWA constructed a multi-storey housing complex in 1993-1994 to accommodate 118 displaced families mainly from Nabatieh camp, which was destroyed during the [sic] 1973 by Israeli military action. A number of displaced refugees continue to live on the edge of the camp in extremely poor conditions.’ ... ... 6.145 A 2003 paper by Are Knudsen, ‘Islamism in the Diaspora: Palestinian refugees in Lebanon’, states that ‘Ayn Hilwa, the most conflict-ridden camp in the country is surrounded by barbed wire and legal entry is only possible through a few checkpoints guarded by the Lebanese army, with secondary checkpoints manned by armed guards representing the popular committees.’ 6.146 According to Knudsen’s 2003 paper, Ein el-Hilweh’s political actors can be divided into three groups: loyalist, Islamist and oppositional. Knudsen detailed the different groups as follows: ‘The ‘loyalists’ are secular groups formed around PLO’s largest faction Fateh and share its secular ideology and political programme. The ‘Islamists’ are a heterogeneous mix of Palestinian and Lebanese Islamists with divergent ideologies and political agendas. While some remain ideologically opposed to Fateh and its policies vis-à-vis Israel (Hamas, Islamic Jihad), others seek to break Fateh’s political hegemony in Lebanese refugee camps, if necessary by violent means (Osbat al-Ansar). The ‘oppositional’ camp is likewise a heterogeneous coalition of secular parties, many of them breakaway factions from Fateh itself, which find a common ground in their difference with Fateh and the loyalists over their policy of appeasement vis-à-vis Israel. In the camps there is also a diverse range of committees and groups whose main function is not political but bureaucratic. Still, control of the popular committees and trade union groups does provide political gains and leadership of them is therefore coveted and sometimes turns violent.’ 6.147 The same source also contained a table listing the various political actors in Ein el-Hilweh, which categorised them into the ‘loyalist’, ‘Islamist’ or ‘oppositional’ groups: [Loyalist, which includes Fatah; Islamist, which includes the Ansar Group; and Oppositional]. 6.148 A June 2003 Middle East Intelligence Bulletin (MEIB) article recounted, in detail, the various groups and power struggles within Ein el-Hilweh over the last two decades. The article states that ‘Ain al-Hilweh, the largest Palestinian refugee camp in [then] Syrian-occupied Lebanon, has been linked to virtually every case of al-Qaeda activity in Lebanon, while renegade terrorists residing in the camp have been tied to the global terror network’s operations in Jordan, Turkey and elsewhere in the region.’ The article noted that, despite the status of Ein el-Hilweh as a ‘zone of unlaw’ serving Syrian interests, Damascus did not directly control most operatives within the camp and that the most radical groups were in fact anti-Syrian. 6.149 The article also reported that Ein el-Hilweh was the stronghold of the Fatah movement during the late 1980s, that the Abu Nidal Organisation [ANO] had been defeated by Fatah in a bloody three-day war for control of the camp in September 1990 and also recounted the rebellion of Col. Mounir Maqdah against Yasser Arafat’s command. With Iranian finances and Hezbollah logistical support, he began training his own militia and ‘By 1995, Maqdah’s dissident faction [the Black September 13