184 chapter six representation while repudiating their status within the state as citizens of that state, rendering this community stateless citizens. Yet my examination of the Zionist incorporation regime, of Israeli hostipitality, and the dynamics of liberal-Zionism has also indicated that the statelessness of Palestinian citizens of Israel is not the statelessness of Palestinians in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, in the refugee camps and legal limbo within Arab states, and living abroad. This is an important point that ought to be emphasized: the stateless citizenship of Arabs in Israel must not be superficially conceptualized alongside the statelessness of other parts of the Palestinian nation. It is not an indistinguishable or interchangeable legal, political or socio-economic condition. Of course, students and observers familiar with the Israel-Palestine conflict understand that, at a very elementary level, the Palestinian nation as a whole – whether citizens or non-citizens of other states – are a stateless people. They do not have an established and independent state that agrees (or is able) to represent them, their needs, rights and aspirations, as a people.2 At the same time, the statelesssness of the Palestinian citizens of Israel differs both conceptually and substantively from the rest of the Palestinian nation. Despite the familiar arrangement, as it stands, the Palestinian citizens of Israel do have a particular political and legal relationship with the Israeli regime, that other Palestinians do not have. However limited and the internal contradictions aside, there are benefits granted to the Palestinian-Arab citizenry through their inclusion in the discourse of rights as citizens of Israel that are denied to the rest of the Palestinian population, such as mobility rights and the right to vote, among others. Granted, the oppressive and exclusionary mechanisms of the Zionist regime do extend beyond Israel’s ‘legal’ boundaries, and they have been presented here as extending across a single political-geographic unit – inclusive of ‘Israel proper’, Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza Strip. But the Arab citizens of Israel no longer live under a brutal military administration and, for the most part, Israeli military violence and dehumanization measures against the Arab citizenry are not conducted or justified in the same political and legal manner as those in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, 2 Despite the UN General Assembly vote on November 29, 2012 to recognize the State of Palestine within the 1967 borders as a non-member state with observer status (mentioned in the Preface of this book), Israel is still an occupying power, and possesses complete military control and decision-making power over policies and practices concerning the environmental, economic and political development in the OPT, certainly in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, and to a great extent in the Gaza Strip.