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chapter five
separation between the Israeli state and the Jewish nation was also
affirmed in Tamarin’s appeal to the Supreme Court whose participation in
the same national consensus was revealed in the opinion of Justice Shimon
Agranat, then President of the Court. Ruling that “there is no Israeli nation
separate from the Jewish nation … composed not only of those residing in
Israel but also of Diaspora Jewry,” Justice Agranat went on to stress that
recognizing a uniform Israeli nationality “would negate the very foundation upon which the State of Israel was formed.”6 In his denunciation of
the petition, he continued:
If a handful of people or more wish to separate themselves from the Jewish
people – only twenty-three years after the establishment of the state – and
acquire the status of a separate Israeli nation, this separatist trend should
not be regarded as legitimate and should not be recognized.7
At first glance, the accusation of separatism appears to be extreme and
unfounded. Tamarin is an Israeli citizen who merely asks to be officially
recognized as bearing the nationality of his state. Nationality expresses
the legal relationship of an individual to her/his state, and given that
Tamarin is not detracting from nor formulating an exclusive identity
within and apart from an Israeli identity, the accusation of separatism
appears to be misplaced. But if we take a closer look, we see that Tamarin’s
petition does advocate a certain separation from the Zionist framework of
identity and inclusion that serves as the basis for the State of Israel. And
here the Jewish ethnocentric and primordial foundations of Israeli nationhood and citizenship begin to emerge. The Israeli government and its
Supreme Court cannot recognize an ‘Israeli’ nation separate from a ‘Jewish’
nation because, from their ideological perspective, Israel is the state of the
Jewish nation. To officially recognize an Israeli nationality, and even to
adopt the language of an ‘Israeli’ nation as a category distinct from a
‘Jewish’ nation, would imply that, at some conceptual level, the two are
distinct. That one category includes a collective identity that the other
does not. However small, this conceptual separation between ‘Israeli’ and
‘Jewish’ would have juridico-political repercussions for the entrenchment
of Jewish ascendancy within the state. Of course, this is because, in doing
so, it could open a window of inclusion within the Israeli nation for nonJewish citizens. It is the conceptual separation between ‘Jewish’ and
‘Israeli’ along with the potential practical implications of having to
6 Tamarin v. State of Israel (1970) Israeli Supreme Court, 26 P.D. I 197.
7 Gorali, “So this Jew, Arab, Georgian and Samaritan go to court.” Emphasis added.
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