ZIONISM FROM THE STANDPOINT OF ITS VICTIMS
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the effects o f Zionism on its victims, and these effects can only
be studied genealogically in the framework provided by
imperialism, even during the nineteenth century when Zionism
was still an idea and not a state called Israel. For the
Palestinian now who writes critically to see what his or her
history has m eant, and who tries— as I am now' trying— to see
what Zionism has been for the Palestinians, A n ton io G ram sci’s
observation is relevant, that "the consciousness o f what one
really is . . . is ‘knowing thyself as a product o f the historical
process to date which has deposited in you an infinity of traces,
without leaving an inventory.” The job o f producing an
inventory is a first necessity, Gramsci continued, and so it must
be now, when the "inven tory” of what Zionism 's victims (not
its beneficiaries) endured is rarely exposed to public view '."
If we have becom e accustomcd to making fastidious distinc
tions between ideology (or theory) and practice, we shall be
more accurate historically if we do not do so glibly in the case
o f the European imperialism that actually annexed most o f the
world during the nineteenth century. Imperialism was and still
is a political philosophy whose aim and purpose for being is
territorial expansion and its legitimization. A serious underes
timation o f imperialism, how ever, would be to consider
territory in too literal a way. Gaining and holding an imperium
means gaining and holding a domain, which includes a variety
o f operations, am ong them constituting an area, accumulating
its inhabitants, having power over its ideas, people, and of
course, its land, converting people, land, and ideas to the
purposes and for the use o f a hegem onic imperial design; all
this as a result o f being able to treat reality a p p r o p ria te ly .
Thus the distinction between an idea that onc feels to be one’s
own and a piece of land that one claims by right to be one's
own {despite the presence on the land o f its working native
inhabitants) is really nonexistent, at least in the world of
nineteenth-century culture out o f which imperialism devel
oped. Laying claim to an idea and laying claim to a territory—
given the extraordinarily current idea that the non-European
world was there to be claim ed, occupied, and ruled by
Europe— were considered to be different sides o f the same.
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