Journal of Human Rights 189 which women could confer citizenship and to discriminate significantly between children born in and out of wedlock (Equal Rights Trust & Focus Development Association, 2016). The reform in Madagascar is considered an advocacy campaign success of the GCENR, whose coalition members contributed many alternative reports to the treaty bodies over the years (GCENR, 2017). As gender and statelessness experts van Waas et al. noted, “all of these pushes within the UN human rights framework came in parallel to a concerted national movement against this discrimination. Civil society in the country campaigned actively for reform; worked with artists, the affected population, and journalists; lobbied parliamentarians; and brought in international technical experts where needed” (2019, p. 204). Although the legal reform is a significant step forward in the elimination of GDNL in Madagascar, close attention must be paid to the intersections of gender with religion/ethnicity as it affects access to legal citizenship. Although direct gender discrimination may have been reformed, indirect and intersecting forms of discrimination may remain firmly intact, as the majority Karana have been systematically denied Malagasy citizenship since independence.6 A civil society submission to the Human Rights Committee noted the difficulties women with foreign-sounding names faced when seeking identity documentation or birth registration for their children: In those limited circumstances where Malagasy women are able to pass on their nationality, evidence suggests that women still face difficulties in practice. Many of those interviewed by the Trust discussed problems in acquiring nationality even where they were eligible. In order to apply for a national identity card, a birth and residency certificate must be provided, however, officers may request further documentation. This discretion is often exercised where an individual is perceived as possessing a “foreign” name, or where individuals are suspected of not being a national, they have been refused documentation. In particular, children with Arab, Muslim or Comorian sounding names encounter difficulties in the application process (Equal Rights Trust & Focus Development Association, 2016, p. 5). A worst-case scenario would be that the provisions in the reformed Nationality Code shore up nationalist and exclusionary notions of who counts as Malagasy (read: ethnic majority of Malagasy) and who does not (stateless, migrant-descended Muslims) based on both the mother’s and father’s ethnicity and citizenship status. Documentation efforts currently under way run the risk of widening the divide—shoring up the political power of the Malagasy and reinforcing the structural and systematic exclusion of the Karana from citizenship, as a means of limiting their economic and political power. Without proper oversight, gender and ethnic discriminatory birth registration may be the very site where this disenfranchisement occurs. Disability + ethnic discrimination in contexts of mobility When a disability is detected at birth, this is sometimes marked on the birth certificate issued to a child, ostensibly to facilitate their access to support services. Where state services exist, this may create a disincentive for registering the births of children who are politically deemed not to belong so as to limit the state’s liability for upholding their right to social protection. Returning to Madagascar, the nationality law specifically states that those acquiring naturalized citizenship or filing a citizenship application must be of sound body and mind, which is tantamount to discrimination against persons with disabilities. Again, gender intersects with ethnicity, ability, and other identity markers in the discriminatory legal interpretation of who counts as a citizen, and the administrative practice of bureaucratically branding as foreign those deemed not to belong. In contexts of mobility, social identities that would otherwise trigger social protection benefits—like being born with a disability—become a liability for migrants and ethnic minority groups with precarious status. The Global Inventory identified relevant observations issued by the CRPD to Iraq, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). For example, the CRPD issued a recommendation to Iraq to continue efforts to register all children with disabilities to prevent their statelessness (CRPD, 2019, para. 34). The government of Iraq claims to register the births of all children born with a disability (Government of Iraq, 2017, para. 105). However, the CRPD