these are without exception also coupled with their marginalized position and historical discriminatory treatment they have faced. For instance, around 25,000 Romani individuals had difficulties in regularizing their Czech citizenship after the disintegration of the Czechoslovak Federation (Šiklova and Miklušakova 1998, Linde 2006, Kochenov 2007). To understand why they had difficulties in accessing their citizenship in the Czech part, we need to look at history. During WWII, many Roma who were previously living in the territory of today’s Czechia were killed. Therefore, in Socialist Czechoslovakia most remaining Roma lived in the Slovak part. However, the Czechoslovak authorities decided to relocate many of them to the Czech part officially because of the factory employment available there. Unofficially, the reason for such relocation was for Roma not to be concentrated only in one part but dispersed around the whole country (Kochenov 2007). With the end of socialism many “The reasons why Roma had, and factories closed down and Roma were among the first who found themselves still have, difficulties in accessing unemployed and some had to resolve their citizenship range from the to petty crime in order to survive (Šiconsequences of state disintegraklova and Miklušakova 1998). Howevtion and war to obstacles in buer, this contributed to their new predicament: they could not naturalize to reaucratic procedures and indirectbecome Czech citizens because they ly exclusionary citizenship laws” did not have a clean criminal record or even more often they could not meet the residency condition as many lived in informal settlements (they were relocated by the state, but not necessarily also registered). Although they were relocated by the state, their official residence was never registered. The new provisions of citizenship laws seemed neutral: however, they disproportionally affected Roma. According to Miklušakova and Šiklova (1998), this was not an accident, but an intentional policy for the Roma who were first relocated to the Czech Republic, now to be expelled back to Slovakia. Many different NGO’s did advocate for the position of de facto stateless Roma and the discriminatory provisions in law were eventually changed. Another example, where state disintegration also plays a role, in addition to war, in many Roma having difficulties in accessing their own citizenship was in the former Yugoslav space. It has been established previously that both war and state disintegration can lead to statelessness. However, as I argued in my previous work (Sardelić 2015), it was not simply these two factors that led to Roma becoming legally invisible in many parts of the former Yugoslavia (Praxis 2011). Roma were not considered as the ultimate Other in the former Yugoslav space as they did not present a destabilizing territorial threat. However, they would find themselves in-between physical and symbolic conflict of ethnic majorities and more dominant minorities (Sigona 2012, Sardelić 2015). http://community.apsanet.org/migrationcitizenship/home 16