The Grimshaw Review of International Affairs Vol. 2, No. 1 Selectorate theory thus complements postcolonial critiques by revealing not only why ethnic exclusion persists, but how it is institutionally sustained through rational calculations made by elites, which are ultimately aimed at survival, centralisation, and the avoidance of internal threats (Bueno de Mesquita et al., 2003, p. 23). Yet postcolonial analysis remains indispensable in comprehending the deeper historical and global power structures that underpin such exclusion. Indeed, the Rohingya crisis is not only a consequence of domestic authoritarian logics, but also of international systems of power that have long prioritised geopolitical interests over justice for marginalised communities. The entanglement of humanitarianism with colonialism conveys the need to rethink aid systems that, far from resolving crises, can perpetuate them (Aloudat and Khan, 2022, p. 1). Moving beyond Eurocentric paradigms, a decolonial approach advocates for dismantling entrenched hierarchies and amplifying subaltern voices, transitioning humanitarian efforts from “willing complicity to active solidarity” (Aloudat and Khan, 2022, p. 3). In this light, selectorate theory provides a critical lens for understanding how exclusion operates, but postcolonial critique is essential for understanding why it endures, and how it might ultimately be undone. Only then, when the colonial roots of modern power structures are addressed, can international aid responses evolve into mechanisms for justice and meaningful systemic change. 6.​ The Shortcomings of Humanitarian Aid Humanitarian access in Myanmar is profoundly constrained by a militarised state apparatus, systemic mistrust and restrictive operating conditions for local NGOs. For civil actors, this means having to confront a complex and often perilous regulatory landscape where permission to operate is conditional, informal, and liable to be revoked at any time. And even with authoritarian tendencies from high-level authorities, local officials frequently obstruct field activities due to fear or suspicion, necessitating relationship-building across multiple layers of governance (Desaine, 2011, p. 63). Unregistered organisations in Myanmar face constant risks of arbitrary shutdowns or surveillance, while limited access to national decision-makers – especially within the military – combined with the Army’s Bamar-centric 15

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