Identifying the ‘Outsider’
Court in 2019 reduced the age limit from 45 years to 35 years, and diluted the
requirement of experience from 10 years to 7 years. 85 This goes to establish the
necessity to entrench the bare minimum eligibility conditions in the statute
creating the tribunal, and not in delegated legislation that can be either changed
overnight or interpreted capriciously by the appointing authority. Given the
Supreme Court’s orders on the NRC, 86 Justice Gogoi’s personal supervision 87 of
the case and a permissive direction to Gauhati High Court to monitor the creation
and functioning of the Tribunal, the Gauhati High Court diluted the eligibility
condition of appointing members to FTs and appointed over 200 members. It is
also relevant that the power to create FTs and to appoint members under the FTO
is with the Central Government. This power has been delegated to state
governments.
In the advertisement referred to above, the first requirement is a person must
be ‘a citizen of India’ and must have ‘fair knowledge of official language of Assam
and its (Assam) historical background giving rise to foreigner’s issues’. 88 This
itself is likely to result in exclusion. Given that NRC required each and every
person resident in Assam to apply for inclusion in the NRC list — who is ‘citizen
of India’ is a contentious issue. In fact, is not that the very question that the FT
must decide? This necessarily means that the eligibility criteria is itself a recipe to
exclude ‘suspect citizens’ from even participating in the selection process to be
appointed as members of FTs, and in the absence of any written examination or
transparent selection process, the grounds for exclusion are never spelt out. This
may be viewed in the backdrop of reports of serious bias in the administrative
quarters against Bengali speaking Muslims in Assam. 89
D
Lack of Transparent Selection Process and Lack of Judicial Training
It needs little elucidation that ordinarily any process for selection to a public post
in India must provide for (a) fair and transparent public recruitment system; (b)
adequate training; and (c) must adhere to rules of the reservation to enhance
diversity. However, for Assam all legal rules are being ignored. The advertisement
for the selection of members of FTs does not reflect that the principles of
reservation for ensuring equal access to opportunity (the Indian version of
85
86
87
88
89
Sagar, ‘Case Closed: How Assam’s Foreigners Tribunals, Aided by the High Court, Function
Like Kangaroo Courts and Persecute Its Minorities’, Caravan (online, 6 November 2019)
<https://caravanmagazine.in/law/assam-foreigners-tribunals-function-like-kangaroo-courtspersecute-minorities>.
Assam Sanmilita Mahasangha (n 37).
See Mandhani (n 38).
Judicial Advertisement (n 81) 1 [1].
Arshia Dhar, ‘Journalist Rohini Mohan on Her Assam NRC Reportage, “Breakdown of
Fragile, Important Coexistence” in India’, Firstpost (online, 23 December 2019)
<https://www.firstpost.com/india/known-for-extensive-assam-nrc-reportage-rohini-mohansays-india-is-seeing-breakdown-of-a-fragile-coexistence-7790921.html>.
There are groups, who, from the beginning of this process, said that it is completely
biased against Muslims. But it took months of reporting to show that the NRC is also
biased against the poor. So we need to keep an open mind. While it is targeted against
the Muslims, it was also affecting more people, and that is why so many care about the
CAA and NRC now. You may not care at all about the Muslims, but you do care about
yourself and the poor.
See also ‘India Strips Millions of Bengali Speaking Muslims of Citizenship in Assam’, Daily
Sabah (online, 30 July 2018) <https://www.dailysabah.com/asia/2018/07/30/india-stripsmillions-of-bengali-speaking-muslims-of-citizenship-in-assam>.
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